Inside the COVID unit at the world’s largest women’s prison

19thnews.org

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By Ko Bragg, Kate Sosin


Published October 11, 2020

Kandice Ortega cleaned the tables and phones in building 503 with a sanitary pad. There were no fresh rags, but she didn’t want to live in filth — cleanliness had taken on a new, pressing importance.

Like many, Ortega worried about getting COVID-19. But unlike much of the country, Ortega had few options to limit her exposure. She is incarcerated at the Central California Women’s Facility (CCWF), the largest women’s prison in the world. 

When CCWF officials began to limit activities and movement to safeguard against the coronavirus, building 503 was turned into a quarantine unit with 100 beds for isolation. Ortega was moved to 503 after her roommate tested positive for COVID in mid-July. 

Ortega, however, said she never tested positive for the coronavirus. And after multiple negative COVID tests, she said she remained in the quarantine unit for weeks. 

As she wiped down surfaces, Ortega couldn’t shake the feeling that cleaning the building she shared with COVID patients would inevitably infect her too. Would it come from the air vents? The seldom cleaned showers? The guards? 

When the second-shift correctional officer came to check her cell for contraband, Ortega said he rummaged through her things without a face covering. She suspected that he was wearing the same gloves he wore among COVID patients. She was uncomfortable, but refusing searches could have led to disciplinary repercussions like losing her spot in the honor dorm, and possibly standing before the Board of Prisons to explain why she disobeyed a direct order from a correctional officer. 

“On the streets they are asking for you not to have people over your house and to social distance,” Ortega said in an email to The 19th. “I am not given a choice in here. I am not allowed to say no.” 

So, Ortega, out of options, did the only thing she could to keep the virus at bay: She unfolded menstrual products and started to clean. 

“I am forced to make a choice on what’s more important, my freedom or my health,” Ortega said. 

Via email, The 19th interviewed nine people incarcerated at CCWF. Eight of them told The 19th that CCWF was holding prisoners who had tested negative for the virus in 503, quarantining people who were COVID-19 negative in close proximity to those who had the virus. The ninth discussed lack of safety related to the virus in the prison but did not reference building 503.

Nearly half of the people interviewed live with pre-existing conditions — asthma, heart conditions, a compromised immune system — that put them at heightened risk for complications of COVID-19. All described dirty, unsafe conditions that left them wondering if their lives will end in prison. 

In mid-August, after The 19th submitted questions to the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) about its alleged practice of housing COVID-positive and negative people together, those incarcerated inside CCWF said administrators began sending people who had tested negative back to their assigned housing. All of the people The 19th interviewed are now out of 503. Lt. Gene Norman, a public information officer for the department, denied that people who had negative COVID tests were ever housed among sick people. 

“When an inmate’s test [sic] have returned negative, they are released back into general population housing,” Norman said.

CDCR also maintains that it is following safety protocols, denying that prisoners are living in dirty or dangerous situations or that guards have not been wearing proper protective equipment like masks.

But in emails to The 19th, people who lived in 503 told a different story.


The coronavirus has rocked prisons nationwide. According to data from Oct. 9, in addition to 16 incarcerated people who’ve contracted the virus at CCWF, there have been 45 confirmed cases among the prison’s staff, and one death. Nearly 15,000 people incarcerated in California’s prison system had confirmed COVID-19 cases — the fourth-highest number of cases behind prisons in Texas, Florida and the entire federal system, according to an analysis by the Marshall Project and the Associated Press. All this comes despite early warnings from public health officials, who cautioned that prisons could become petri dishes for the disease. 

In April, amid outbreaks, California released approximately 3,500 people serving non-violent sentences. And in July, more than 5,000 people with less than a year to serve were slated for release to “decompress the population to maximize space for physical distancing, and isolation/quarantine efforts.” This summer, California’s incarcerated population dropped below 100,000 for the first time in 30 years. 

But people incarcerated at CCWF do not feel like the people in charge of their livelihood — guards, prison officials, all the way up to the governor’s office — have done enough to protect them. 

In a July 28 letter to California Gov. Gavin Newsom, Elizabeth Lozano wrote that she was forced to attend a drug re-entry program that exposed her to the virus. (Newsom’s office did not respond to The 19th’s request for comment.)

“I understand we are in a pandemic however the way we were exposed is not OK,” she wrote. “I’m a mother hoping to one day be with my family, I’ve worked very hard on my rehabilitation to be treated as if I’m not human.”

Lozano thinks she was exposed sometime during the week of July 15, when CCWF resumed the Integrated Substance Use Disorder Treatment (ISUDT) program. At the time, the prison had suspended most other programs and jobs because of the pandemic. Lozano and others claim it was nonessential. 

“It was mandatory to show up. We had to sign contracts. If we didn’t go, it was a disciplinary action which meant we would lose our date to go home,” Lozano said. 

One ISUDT staff member exposed 38 prisoners to the virus, Lozano claims. Those 38 had contact with the entire yard — 650 prisoners. Lozano, who was among those directly exposed, was sent to building 503. 

Between July 24 and August 19, three of CCWF’s four buildings were placed on a “modified program,” which limited movement in the building, according to Terry Thornton, deputy press secretary for CDCR. Thornton declined to speak to the source of the virus in CCWF or explicitly weigh in on the ISUDT program. Thornton told The 19th that in-person programming was being closely monitored, and could be paused or stopped at any time. 

Lozano, 45, suffers from asthma, lupus, neuropathy, a heart condition and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, an inflammatory lung disease that makes it hard to breathe. She tested negative for COVID-19 three times in two weeks, but continued to be kept in the isolation unit. She said she was forced to use the same showers, breathe the same recycled air, touch the same surfaces and come into close contact with prisoners who had COVID-19 and the staff who had contact with them.

“I stopped showering in the showers completely out of fear,” Lozano wrote in an email. “Every day in this 503 building is a day of anxiety and fear, not just me but my peers who also are terrified of getting sick and death.”

Lozano has been eligible for parole since February 2019, according to state records. In August, her family launched a petition requesting her release. 

It included a plea from her brother Richard: “Please don’t let this be a sentence where it will cost her life and never have a chance to be a mom to her son or experience a second chance at life.”


In response to the COVID-19 outbreak in San Quentin Prison outside of San Francisco, which has claimed 28 lives as of Oct. 9, the Amend program at University of California San Francisco and Berkeley’s School of Public Health issued an urgent public memo with recommendations to curb the spread of the disease. Among the strategies included were providing better ventilation through air-conditioning systems and opening doors and windows as much as possible, which has been proven to decrease the transmission of COVID-19.

“Note that the important aspect is air exchange, not the movement of air within the room,” the memo reads. “Fans that blow air around may help cool people, but they don’t decrease rebreathing aerosols unless they filter the air or increase air exchange.” 

Those suggestions seemed to change little at 503. 

When she was in 503, 32-year-old Laura Purviance spent all but two hours of the day in her cell — quarantine felt similar to solitary confinement, she told The 19th. Purviance claimed she was kept in 503 despite never receiving a COVID-19 test.

While there, Purviance noticed leaking pipes and partially collapsed sections of the ceiling, which she believed is because of a ventilation system in disrepair. In the hot prison, people were not wearing their masks appropriately, she said. She did her best to keep her distance, so despite the disciplinary risk, she packed up her meals, avoiding the cafeteria where there is “no physical distancing” and no place to wash or sanitize hands before meals. 

“Staff continues to not wear masks nor physically distance themselves,” Purviance said in an email. “Some of my peers have asked their families to take out life insurance policies on us, that’s how unsafe it is to be in here with this pandemic going on.”

Prison officials told The 19th there are no issues with the ventilation system and no collapsed sections of the ceiling, “partially or otherwise” and that prisoners receive 90 minutes a day for telephone calls, laundry, showers, cell cleaning and other activities.

Purviance, though, is not the only person at CCWF who complained about faulty ventilation. Outside of 503, Stacey Dyer told The 19th that the ventilation system is so spotty that she and her four roommates — who all work cleaning hospital areas alongside prison staff — rely on fans. Dyer fears the fans make germs more capable of spreading around the hot room. It’s hard to find relief in the 90-degree, 25-square-foot room Dyer and her roommates share. 

“We live, sleep, breathe the same air constantly,” Dyer said. “There is no such thing as social distancing in prison. It’s impossible.” 

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has long asked prisons to space people out, and at minimum have people sleep head-to-foot. But Dyer’s “bunkie” sleeps so close to her she can touch her arm while laying in bed. 

“We are afraid because we know that it is only a matter of time before the COVID is spread, infecting every single woman here,” Dyer said. 


For a month, Mychal Concepcion went without standing in the sun. 

“I got to walk to the clinic because I had to get my T shot, and I had to do that twice,” he said on a phone call in early August, referring to his dose of testosterone. “That’s the only time I’ve been outside.”

Concepcion is a 50-year-old-transgender man who has spent 22 years in this women’s prison. California has the largest transgender prison population in the country, with 1,203 trans people incarcerated as of February 2019. Overwhelmingly, prisoners are housed according to their gender assigned at birth, like Concepcion, who estimates there are 30 to 40 trans men incarcerated at CCWF. 

On July 24, Concepcion went into quarantine in 503. That meant no time in the yard to exercise, even though he has never contracted the virus. Now, he is back in his old cell after testing negative four times. He gets one hour every other day in the yard.

On other days, he prays, meditates and exercises in his room. 

“I got to jog the other day when the air quality was a little better, I am grateful for that,” he wrote in an email. “All the smoke from the various fires was just sitting in this valley.” 

The pandemic has been especially stressful for many trans people in prison. The virus has severely strained prison workforces across the nation, and in many cases reduced or cut off access to medical care. In June, trans prisoners at San Quentin started reporting that no one was getting gender-confirming hormone treatments.

In a letter obtained by The 19th, an administrator confirms that over the July 4 weekend, staff noticed that some hormone treatments had been delayed. 

“San Quentin State Prison (SQ) recently experienced severe, short-term nursing staffing shortages due to an outbreak of COVID-19 among employees and patients,” the letter states, adding that the pandemic further strained nurses that were on the clock.

The following week, people on the outside alerted administrators to the fact that hormones were not being prescribed. 

Although administrators said that the hiccup was due to extreme staffing shortages, trans prisoners claimed something more sinister: hormones had been deemed medically unnecessary by San Quentin staff during the pandemic.  

Thornton, the spokesperson for the department, said that delay was due to staffing issues alone and that “audits showed there were no missed medications for patients at SQ who wished to accept them.”

Concepcion said that he did not have an interruption in getting his hormone therapy, but the virus has exacerbated power dynamics in the prison. Because he is trans, staff treat him like he’s disposable, he said, like it doesn’t matter if he contracts the virus. Staff misgender and demean him.

“I am an inmate, murderer, gang member, want-to-be man, offender, convict, and all the other names they call me under their breath or in their minds that I don’t hear,” he wrote. “Since I am not human it wouldn’t matter if I got it and died.”

One man, who asked only to be identified as Ashley, said his dorm room houses eight people, including him. Ashley is 31 and has asthma, and he said he can’t get supplies to keep himself safe. While the state allots each prisoner two bars of soap a month, it’s not enough during the pandemic, Ashley said. His family sends him money to buy extra soap. He doesn’t have any hand sanitizer. 

“The staff is getting sick and not reporting it and still want to come to work,” he said.

He was tested for COVID-19, but never got the results back, he said. 

The CDC has asked prisons and detention centers to provide free soap to incarcerated people. Many prisons and jails ban hand sanitizer for its alcohol content, despite the CDC asking institutions to consider relaxing these restrictions. 

Norman, the CDCR spokesperson, paints a different picture of life inside CCWF. He said prisoners are given sanitizer and soap and that staff can request additional supplies throughout the month, if needed. 

“Every housing unit receives normal monthly supplies of cleaning materials which include hospital-grade disinfectants, window cleaner, sanitizers, hard surface disinfectant wipes and other cleaning products and all CDCR institutions conduct deep-cleaning efforts in day rooms, showers and living areas,” he wrote in an email. 

The pandemic has dramatically changed life for people like Ashley, who returned from court in March to a seven-person dorm and “modified program,” a limited lockdown due to the virus. 

“We come out for an hour a day to use the phones and do laundry,” he said. “Every other day we can go outside for an hour by one hallway at a time.”


It took six COVID-19 tests, all of them negative, to get Ortega out of 503. She’s back in the honor dorm, but the weeks of quarantine stick with her. 

“I am having a hard time adjusting since I’ve been back,” she wrote. “I’m not sleeping at all, I’m not really eating. I have a lot of anxiety and fear of getting sick or having to go back to 503 and live in those conditions.”

Ortega is not alone. After re-integrating into the general population, others shared lasting impacts of quarantine with The 19th.Concepcion has witnessed “a lot of signs of trauma” among those who’ve returned from 503.  Lozano has seen a clinician a few times for PTSD since leaving 503 on Aug. 19. 

“After being treated the way we were in 503 all of us have trauma and are like shell shock,” Lozano wrote in an email. “We’re experiencing trouble sleeping, anxiety, trouble eating and like waiting for something bad to happen. I think that’s from knowing that at any moment we can be housed there again.” 

And still, some say guards are maskless and in groups. Several people reported that guards are searching people as they exit the chow hall, making sure they didn’t take food out with them. And there’s no social distancing in a pat down. The fear — of getting the virus, landing back in 503 — is ever present.

“God forbid you bring out your eggs from breakfast,” Ortega wrote. “It’s as if security has been breached.”

With Over 115,000 Confirmed Cases, Incarcerated People Are Challenging Deadly Pandemic Conditions in Prisons

truthout.org

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Queens residents, community group protest and demand that Queens District Attorney Melinda Katz takes immediate action to stop the spread of COVID-19 in jails and decarcerate during a protest in New York City on July 13, 2020.Steve Sanchez / Pacific Press / LightRocket via Getty Images Victoria Law Sept. 6, 2020

On April 10, Esther Arias made a video call to her son and asked him to stream the call on Facebook Live.

Arias wanted the larger public to know about how the federal prison in Danbury, Connecticut, was handling COVID. One woman, she said, had tested positive three times — but remained in the housing unit. Four other women had been placed in quarantine, then onto her housing unit, she said.

In March, Attorney General William Barr had ordered the Bureau of Prisons, which operates the federal prison system, to expand the early release of prisoners classified as low-risk to home confinement. But, Arias told her son, Danbury officials were “only picking the inmates that already have a [release] date.” That left herself and many other women, all of whom had already been classified as low-risk for recidivism, stuck in crowded dorms desperately hoping to avoid contracting COVID. They began asking their families to call Barr’s office and demand their loved ones’ release.

Two days later, Arias called her son again. “We really need your help,” she pleaded to him and friends on Facebook. She reiterated that the woman who had tested positive three times remained on the housing unit, which she described as “a warehouse with cubicles.” The dormitories are divided into cubicles with two bunk beds approximately four feet apart. The dividing wall often does not reach the ceiling, resulting in women on the top bunk sleeping next to the woman on the top bunk in the adjoining cubicle. Each dorm room has 160 to 170 beds and three bathrooms.

“We are being exposed to the virus,” Arias stated in the livestream, urging viewers to contact Barr’s office and demand more releases to prevent the spread of COVID.

Two weeks later, Arias made a 43-second video call to announce that her bunkmate had tested positive and been hospitalized. “Right now, they’re taking about 30-something people to the kitchen because there’s no place to quarantine,” she said. “Please, whoever can help us … help us,” she pleaded.

That day, Arias later told Truthout, her bunkmate had been extremely sick. Arias and others repeatedly asked the lieutenant on duty to call an ambulance. When the lieutenant refusedMarius Mason, a 58-year-old trans man on the unit, called his attorney to alert her that a woman was being refused medical help. In response, the lieutenant threatened him with a disciplinary ticket for disclosing information about another incarcerated person. (Ultimately, Mason did not receive a ticket, which could have incurred penalties such as solitary confinement and a loss of “privileges” such as phone time and social contact with others in the prison.)

By then, at least 44 incarcerated people and 39 staff members at Danbury had tested positive, at least two incarcerated women had been hospitalized, and one person had died. The incidence rate exceeded 2.8 percent of the prison’s population and, at the time, was “among the highest concentrations of positive tests per capita” of any U.S. federal prison, charged a lawsuit filed on behalf of people incarcerated at Danbury. (Danbury incarcerates both men and women in separate facilities.)

That afternoon, Arias and 10 other women tested positive. The visiting room became their makeshift quarantine unit for the next two weeks.

There are now over 115,000 confirmed cases of COVID in state and federal prisons nationwide. This figure does not include local jails, immigrant detention or youth jails/prisons. The federal prison system has had 13,139 (or 849 per 100,000 people). It has had 125 deaths from COVID, the third-highest number of prison deaths (behind Texas, which remains the highest, and Florida).

In Danbury, Arias and others were individually and collectively resisting the prison’s indifference to their safety. Arias not only asked her son to post her video calls on Facebook to garner more attention, but encouraged others to ask their families to contact the media about what was happening inside. Those in quarantine had no access to the phone or CorrLinks, the federal prison’s e-messaging service; they had to write pen-and-paper letters to keep their families informed.

That same month, several incarcerated men and women filed a class-action lawsuit against Danbury and the Bureau of Prisons, demanding the immediate release of people ages 50 and older and/or who have serious underlying medical conditions. For those remaining in the prison, the suit demands that prison officials “provide medically adequate social distancing and health care and sanitation.”

On May 18, Arias tested negative for COVID. Instead of being returned to her housing unit, she was placed in the Special Housing Unit, a solitary confinement unit. “They said I was the reason they were getting so much attention,” she recalled. She remained isolated for over three weeks until her release from prison.

At Indiana Women’s Prison, Collective Organizing Literally Opened Doors

People incarcerated at Danbury are not the only ones organizing to challenge conditions during the pandemic. As Truthout previously reported, the Indiana Women’s Prison (IWP) began a policy of locking women into their cells, with no running water, toilet or emergency call button, for lengthy periods of time. The doors can only be opened manually by the solo officer on duty, raising concerns among incarcerated women, advocates and lawmakers if a fire or other emergency breaks out. As the summer temperatures rose, the inability to keep doors open — to allow air to circulate or to enable women access to running water — exacerbated the heat and humidity inside the cells, many of which housed up to four women on two bunk beds.

Women inside filed grievances or complaints en masse about the new policy. “The grievance box is in the chow hall,” explained Michelle Daniel, who was incarcerated for 20 years at the Indiana Women’s Prison and remains in contact with friends she left behind. One of those friends told her that she frequently saw women in the dining hall directing other women to the grievance box over several days.

In Indiana, grievances first go to the shift supervisor. If the grievance is not resolved, it then goes to the superintendent’s office. If it still remains unresolved, it is then sent to the Indiana Department of Correction’s central office. But, says Daniel, women are often pressured not to pursue their grievances. Every time she filed a grievance, she would be called into the shift supervisor’s office. There, she would meet not only the shift supervisor, but a team of other correctional officers who pressed her to sign off, or mark as resolved, her grievance. Doing so would prevent it from going to the superintendent or central office.

The women also contacted their families, friends and advocates, including Daniel and Kelsey Kauffman, who had previously run the prison’s college education program. They, in turn, contacted legislators who demanded that the practice halt immediately.

This collective resistance is atypical inside that prison. “Women at IWP have a tendency to just do their time,” reflected Daniel. Under the previous superintendent, Dana Blank, she said, “you didn’t have to go off and protest or [collectively] grieve an issue. You’d put in a blue slip and she would come to your housing unit and talk to you about your concerns.” Blank retired in 2006. So did many of the officers who had embraced her more humane approach to the women in custody. Meanwhile, women who had entered prison in their twenties had grown older — and less willing to passively put up with policy changes that adversely impacted them. “People are growing into their own leadership,” Daniel said.

By July 23, the Indiana Department of Correction reversed its closed-door policy. “All doors in the cottages must remain open due to the extreme heat we are experiencing,” stated a memo issued that day. “It is not optional.” In addition, women are allowed outside of their cells for limited hours in the day room and one hour in the recreation yard.

But, said Daniel, the doors must remain open all the time. If a woman closes her door to change clothes or temporarily block the noise from others, she risks getting a write-up, or a disciplinary ticket for breaking a prison rule. Some of the women who filed collective grievances have experienced individual retaliation, including being issued disciplinary tickets for not wearing masks while eating meals in the chow hall, being removed from prison jobs and having their cells repeatedly shaken down — a term for a cell search in which belongings are tossed and trampled. “They’re punishing them for winning,” stated Daniel.

People locked in other systems, including immigrant detention, often use letters to alert the outside public and press for changes. Women at the Eloy Detention Center, a privately-run immigrant prison in Arizona which reported 249 COVID cases as of August 23wrote dozens of letters to clergy, attorneys, volunteers and family members describing the deplorable conditions — and their fears of coronavirus spread. They described lockdowns, lack of medical attention and hot food, staff reusing personal protective equipment, and retaliation against those who spoke out.

In Georgia, Concerns About Crowding, Coronavirus and Other Conditions Spark a Rebellion

On August 1, people incarcerated at Georgia’s Ware State Prison rioted for two hours, taking several staff hostage, setting fires and smashing windows. Some used smuggled cell phones to document the uprising, posting videos on social media. By the time prison staff retook the prison, five people — two staff members and three incarcerated people — had been injured.

The following day, the Georgia Department of Corrections stated that the causes of the disturbances were “unknown,” but both incarcerated people and staff have told various media that chronic staffing shortages, coupled with lack of medical careovercrowding and lack of working sinks, flushing toilets and edible food, caused the riot.

Two weeks before the uprising, a young man had been killed by another man in Ware’s dormitories. The killing, on top of the other conditions that the men had long endured, lit the powder keg.

“I think it was the prison not responding to the coronavirus — not keeping the place clean or disinfecting,” Kathy, whose son is incarcerated at Ware, told Truthout. (Kathy asked that only her first name be used to prevent reprisals against her son.) “People are dying and they aren’t making any changes.”

Shortly after being placed in a dorm where a man had died from COVID, her son called and told her that he wasn’t feeling well. But it was only after Kathy and other family members repeatedly called the prison that he was tested for COVID. His test came back negative, but he’s unsure whether others in his dorm had also been tested.

In the aftermath, family members have repeatedly charged that incarcerated people are not being given proper food or hygiene and remain locked down in their cells. “They’re not doing anything but sitting in their cells 24-7,” said one woman whose husband is incarcerated at Ware.

As of July 2020, Ware held 1,448 people. Family members described conditions as cramped and leaving their loved ones unable to social distance. As of August 23, four people have died from COVID and another 26 incarcerated people and 56 staff members have tested positive.

Dwight Futch spent five years in Georgia’s prison system. Futch, who had previously worked as a correctional officer in New York City and Wareham, Virginia, was appalled at the abuses he witnessed from Georgia prison staff and began documenting them. When he was released, he started Parole Reform, a nonprofit advocating for parole reform but also changes to the prison system itself.

Kathy’s son is in an open dorm with little ability to socially distance from the other men. Since COVID hit, they’ve been confined to their dormitory, not allowed onto the yard and issued only one mask. She noted that Ware does not provide soap or other personal hygiene items to the men. “They have to purchase their personal items,” she said, adding that she and her family continually put money on her son’s prison account so that he can buy soap and other necessities. But, she continued, “they don’t all have family to take care of them, which is why you have guys attacking and taking stuff from others.”

Post-riot, the men continue to be confined to their dorms or cells. Prison staff have told them that the kitchen was damaged during the rebellion; for weeks, the men were given bologna sandwiches rather than hot meals twice a day.

Staffing shortages have meant that these meals are sometimes delivered hours late — Futch told Truthout that he received numerous messages from men at Ware stating that they are not given lunch until 8 pm. For the past month, they have been unable to access the prison commissary to buy food to tide them over or cleaning supplies to disinfect their living areas.

Staffing shortages have left housing units without a supervising officer during certain shifts, said Futch. He read a message from a man at Ware who noted, “If a gang fight were to break out or someone were to get sick, we’d be really screwed.”

Packages have also been delayed. In mid-July, several weeks before the uprising, Kathy ordered her son $100 worth of food from Union Supply, a private company that contracts with the prison to provide food packages. The company’s website warns that, because of COVID, orders may take an additional 72 hours; one month after placing her order, Kathy says her son has still not received his package. “He’s in depressed mode,” she said. She tries to encourage him that things will change, but she’s not so sure.

Other family members and advocates know that change won’t happen unless they press. “A lot of mothers call me and ask, ‘When are we going to do something about Ware?’” Futch said. He and Parole Reform have protested outside the governor’s mansion and are planning a car caravan from Atlanta to Ware, approximately 235 miles and four hours south. They are demanding that the prison provide nutritious meals, reopen the prison commissary, and allow visits to begin again as well as a complete investigation into the causes of the uprising and ways to prevent another one from occurring. The date has yet to be determined.

Welcome Home Patricia!

CCWP welcomes Patricia Wright home amid COVID-19 prison outbreaks.

Patricia released from CIW on July 21, 2020

Grassroots advocacy & public support were key to Patricia’s release 

July 21, 2020
Patricia Wright, a 69-year-old Black mother and grandmother, survivor of domestic violence, and terminally-ill cancer patient, was released today under emergency order from Governor Newsom. Family, friends, and advocates from the California Coalition for Women Prisoners (CCWP), a grassroots advocacy group who mobilized for her release, gathered at the California Institution for Women (CIW) this morning to see her wheeled out to freedom.
Wright had been serving a sentence of Life Without Possibility of Parole (LWOP) while undergoing chemotherapy for terminal cancer. Patricia is also legally blind and suffers from other serious ailments. Patricia was not eligible for any state COVID-19 release effort, nor for the state’s compassionate release program, because people serving LWOP are excluded from these pathways to release, regardless of terminal illness.

Patricia and her family have been organizing for her release since she was incarcerated, and CCWP has been working with Patricia and her family for 11 years. Advocates and family members expressed their joy at seeing Patricia free and deep gratitude to all who supported her release, including those who signed and circulated her petition. Alfey Ramdhan, Patricia’s youngest son, said, “I haven’t had my mom in so many years. We’ve missed so many milestones, but now I have her back and that motherly love that I’ve been missing for all those years. I feel like I have my security back, my confidence back, which I lost when my mom went to prison when I was 11 or 12.” 
Patricia’s sister, Chantel Bonet, also shared her family’s joy at finally seeing her free, stating, “Speaking on behalf of the whole family, we thank God, CCWP, and Governor Newsom for his humanitarian act of mercy — releasing Patricia Wright from prison after 23 years due to her terminal cancer amid the COVID-19 pandemic. This has been terrifying for our family. We hope Governor Newsom will show compassion and release more elderly and seriously ill people.” 

CCWP advocates emphasized that there are tens of thousands of others in Patricia’s situation still behind bars. Sarah Rodriguez from CCWP said, “While we greatly appreciate Governor Newsom’s action in releasing Patricia Wright, we are concerned with the ongoing exclusion of people serving Life Without Parole (LWOP) sentences from compassionate release, elder parole, and early releases recently announced by CDCR.”

Between 1992–2017, the population of people serving Life Without Parole in the U.S. grew by 400%. California has one of the largest populations of people serving LWOP in the country — many of whom are elderly or medically at-risk. Advocates have urged Governor Newsom to wield his commutation power quickly and decisively to grant relief to those serving LWOP and other extremely long sentences so that they too may have a chance to survive the humanitarian crisis in California prisons that has been exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. 
Please take action today to support the release of more at-risk incarcerated people!

Hear more from Patricia’s family in this Guardian article out today.

See Patricia Wright’s message to Gavin Newsom

Patricia with her sisters
Patricia with children and grandchildren
Patricia, family and some CCWP advocates